afraid of, that you press forward with such hot haste? Do you imagine
that you may be robbed of the power of life and death over whom you
please, should you condescend to a legal trial? but that you are safe
if you take shelter behind an illegality, like the illegality of
Callixenus, when he worked upon the senate to propose to this assembly
to deal with the accused by a single vote? But consider, you may
actually put to death an innocent man, and then repentance will one
day visit you too late. Bethink you how painful and unavailing remorse
will then be, and more particularly if your error has cost a fellow-
creature his life. What a travesty of justice it would be if in the
case of a man like Aristarchus,[11] who first tried to destroy the
democracy and then betrayed Oenoe to our enemy the Thebans, you
granted him a day for his defence, consulting his wishes, and conceded
to him all the other benefits of the law; whereas now you are
proposing to deprive of these same privileges your own generals, who
in every way conformed to your views and defeated your enemies. Do not
you, of all men, I implore you, men of Athens, act thus. Why, these
laws are your own, to them, beyond all else you owe your greatness.
Guard them jealously; in nothing, I implore you, act without their
sanction.

[11] See below, II. iii; also cf. Thuc. viii. 90, 98.

"But now, turn for a moment and consider with me the actual
occurrences which have created the suspicion of misconduct on the part
of our late generals. The sea-fight had been fought and won, and the
ships had returned to land, when Diomedon urged that the whole
squadron should sail out in line and pick up the wrecks and floating
crews. Erasinides was in favour of all the vessels sailing as fast as
possible to deal with the enemy's forces at Mitylene. And Thrasylus
represented that both objects could be effected, by leaving one
division of the fleet there, and with the rest sailing against the
enemy; and if this resolution were agreed to, he advised that each of
the eight generals should leave three ships of his own division with
the ten vessels of the taxiarchs, the ten Samian vessels, and the
three belonging to the navarchs. These added together make forty-
seven, four for each of the lost vessels, twelve in number. Among the
taxiarchs left behind, two were Thrasybulus and Theramenes, the men
who in the late meeting of this assembly undertook to accuse the
generals. With the remainder of the fleet they were to sail to attack
the enemy's fleet. Everything, you must admit, was duly and admirably
planned. It was only common justice, therefore, that those whose duty
it was to attack the enemy should render an account for all
miscarriages of operations against the enemy; while those who were
commissioned to pick up the dead and dying should, if they failed to
carry out the instructions of the generals, be put on trial to explain
the reasons of the failure. This indeed I may say in behalf of both
parites. It was really the storm which, in spite of what the generals
had planned, prevented anything being done. There are witnesses ready
to attest the truth of this: the men who escaped as by a miracle, and
among these one of these very generals, who was on a sinking ship and
was saved. And this man, who needed picking up as much as anybody at
that moment, is, they insist, to be tried by one and the same vote as
those who neglected to perform their orders! Once more, I beg you, men
of Athens, to accept your victory and your good fortune, instead of
behaving like the desperate victims of misfortune and defeat.
Recognise the finger of divine necessity; do not incur the reproach of
stony-heartedness by discovering treason where there was merely
powerlessness, and condemning as guilty those who were prevented by
the storm from carrying out their instructions. Nay! you will better
satisfy the demands of justice by crowning these conquerors with
wreaths of victory than by punishing them with death at the
instigation of wicked men."

At the conclusion of his speech Euryptolemus proposed, as an
amendment, that the prisoners should, in accordance with the decree of
Cannonus, be tried each separately, as against the proposal of the
senate to try them all by a single vote.

At the show of hands the tellers gave the majority in favour of
Euryptolemus's amendment, but upon the application of Menecles, who
took formal exception[12] to this decision, the show of hands was gone
through again, and now the verdict was in favour of the resolution of
the senate. At a later date the balloting was made, and by the votes
recorded the eight generals were condemned, and the six who were in
Athens were put to death.

[12] For this matter cf. Schomann, "De Comitiis Athen." p. 161 foll.;
    also Grote, "Hist. of Grece," vol. viii. p. 276 note (2d ed.)

Not long after, repentance seized the Athenians, and they passed a
decree authorising the public prosecution of those who had deceived
the people, and the appointment of proper securities for their persons
until the trial was over. Callixenus was one of those committed for
trail. There were, besides Callixenus, four others against whom true
bills were declared, and they were all five imprisoned by their
sureties. But all subsequently effected their escape before the trial,
at the time of the sedition in which Cleophon[13] was killed.
Callixenus eventually came back when the party in Piraeus returned to
the city, at the date of the amnesty,[14] but only to die of hunger,
an object of universal detestation.

[13] Cleophon, the well-known demagogue. For the occasion of his death
    see Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. viii. pp. 166, 310 (2d ed.);
    Prof. Jebb, "Attic Orators," i. 266, ii. 288. For his character,
    as popularly conceived, cf. Aristoph. "Frogs," 677.

[14] B.C. 403.

BOOK II

I

To return to Eteonicus and his troops in Chios. During summer they
were well able to support themselves on the fruits of the season, or
by labouring for hire in different parts of the island, but with the
approach of winter these means of subsistence began to fail. Ill-clad
at the same time, and ill-shod, they fell to caballing and arranging
plans to attack the city of Chios. It was agreed amongst them, that in
order to guage their numbers, every member of the conspiracy should
carry a reed. Eteonicus got wind of the design, but was at a loss how
to deal with it, considering the number of these reed-bearers. To make
an open attack upon them seemed dangerous. It would probably lead to a
rush to arms, in which the conspirators would seize the city and
commence hostilities, and, in the event of their success, everything
hitherto achieved would be lost. Or again, the destruction on his part
of many fellow-creatures and allies was a terrible alternative, which
would place the Spartans in an unenviable light with regard to the
rest of Hellas, and render the soldiers ill-disposed to the cause in
hand. Accordingly he took with him fifteen men, armed with daggers,
and marched through the city. Falling in with one of the reed-bearers,
a man suffering from ophthalmia, who was returning from the surgeon's
house, he put him to death. This led to some uproar, and people asked
why the man was thus slain. By Eteonicus's orders the answer was set
afloat, "because he carried a reed." As the explanation circulated,
one reed-bearer after another threw away the symbol, each one saying
to himself, as he heard the reason given, "I have better not be seen
with this." After a while Eteonicus called a meeting of the Chians,
and imposed upon them a contribution of money, on the ground that with
pay in their pockets the sailors would have no temptation to
revolutionary projects. The Chians acquiesced. Whereupon Eteonicus
promptly ordered his crews to get on board their vessels. He then
rowed alongside each ship in turn, and addressed the men at some
length in terms of encouragement and cheery admonition, just as though
he knew nothing of what had taken place, and so distributed a month's
pay to every man on board.

After this the Chians and the other allies held a meeting in Ephesus,
and, considering the present posture of affairs, determined to send
ambassadors to Lacedaemon with a statement of the facts, and a request
that Lysander might be sent out to take command of the fleet.
Lysander's high reputation among the allies dated back to his former
period of office, when as admiral he had won the naval victory of
Notium. The ambassadors accordingly were despatched, accompanied by
envoys also from Cyrus, charged with the same message. The
Lacedaemonians responded by sending them Lysander as second in
command,[1] with Aracus as admiral, since it was contrary to their
custom that the same man should be admiral twice. At the same time the
fleet was entrusted to Lysander.[2]

[1] Epistoleus. See above.

[2] "At this date the war had lasted five-and-twenty years." So the
    MSS. read. The words are probably an interpolation.

It was in this year[3] that Cyrus put Autoboesaces and Mitraeus to
death. These were sons of the sister of Dariaeus[4] (the daughter of
Xerxes, the father of Darius).[5] He put them to death for neglecting,
when they met him, to thrust their hands into the sleeve (or "kore")
which is a tribute of respect paid to the king alone. This "kore" is
longer than the ordinary sleeve, so long in fact that a man with his
hand inside is rendered helpless. In consequence of this act on the
part of Cyrus, Hieramenes[6] and his wife urged upon Dariaeus the
danger of overlooking such excessive insolence on the part of the
young prince, and Dariaeus, on the plea of sickness, sent a special
embassy to summon Cyrus to his bedside.

[3] B.C. 406.

[4] Dariaeus, i.e. Darius, but the spelling of the name is correct,
    and occurs in Ctesias, though in the "Anabasis" we have the
    spelling Darius.

[5] These words look like the note of a foolish and ignorant scribe.
    He ought to have written, "The daughter of Artaxerxes and own
    sister of Darius, commonly so called."

[6] For Hieramenes cf. Thuc. viii. 95, and Prof. Jowett ad loc.

B.C. 405. In the following year[7] Lysander arrived at Ephesus, and
sent for Eteonicus with his ships from Chios, and collected all other
vessels elsewhere to be found. His time was now devoted to refitting
the old ships and having new ones built in Antandrus. He also made a
journey to the court of Cyrus with a request for money. All Cyrus
could say was, that not only the money sent by the king was spent, but
much more besides; and he pointed out the various sums which each of
the admirals had received, but at the same time he gave him what he
asked for. Furnished with this money, Lysander appointed captains to
the different men-of-war, and remitted to the sailors their arrears of
pay. Meanwhile the Athenian generals, on their side, were devoting
their energies to the improvements of their navy at Samos.

[7] The MSS. add "during the ephorate of Archytas and the archonship
    at Athens of Alexias," which, though correct enough, is probably
    an interpolation.

It was now Cyrus's turn to send for Lysander. It was the moment at
which the envoy from his father had arrived with the message: "Your
father is on his sick-bed and desires your presence." The king lay at
Thamneria, in Media, near the territory of the Cadusians, against whom